dimanche 29 juillet 2012

From Ararat to Europe

From Ararat to Europe
Film (16:9) de 52 minutes réalisé par Arsen Hakobyan

Le film raconte des Arméniens déifiés en Europe et du voyage de Leonardo Da Vinci en Arménie.
Tourné en Arménie, en Géorgie, en Belgique, en Hollande, en Allemagne, en France, en Italie, le film dévoile pour la première fois des faits riche en enseignement.

En 5 langues et 5 sous titrages :
en français, en anglais, en russe, en allemand et en arménien.
DVD en system PAL, multi zone.

19,95 € franco de port.

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La Guerre des Mémoires - E&O N°14



Revue géopolitique de
l'Institut Tchobanian

La Guerre des Mémoires 
Europe&Orient n°14
Français-Anglais

ISBN : 978-2-9173-2938-2
ISSN : 1773-9802
136 pages
Format 16x24cm Prix : 10 €
parution 26 Juin 2012

Commandez-le sur Amazon, Fnac, Decitre ou simplement chez votre libraire.


 
Le dossier spécial de la revue Europe & Orient n°14 est consacré à "L'Industrie de la Négation"*.

Comme d'habitude une vingtaine de spécialistes apportent leurs points de vues sur les sujets géopolitiques ou sociologiques sur l'UE, l'Asie Mineure, le Caucase et le Moyen-Orient.

Sommaire

  • Les raisons d’un revers, Varoujan Sirapian                           
  • Chypre victime de la spéculation financière, Christophe Chiclet   
  • Le Génocide arménien : la chronologie du processus pour sa reconnaissance et pour réprimer sa contestation               
  • Proposition de Loi    
  • Les protagonistes, Varoujan Sirapian
  • Arguments pour et contre la loi sur la pénalisation de la «contestation du génocide arménien»                                         
  • Génocide arménien : la pitié dangereuse, Robert Badinter        
  • Génocide arménien : l’offense envers les dieux ?, Varoujan Sirapian                        
  • Réprimer les négateurs du génocide arménien n’est en rien liberticide, Vincent Coussirat-Coustère   
  • De la faiblesse de célèbres critiques, Sévane Garibian     
  •  Loi sur les génocides : une bataille perdue, Pierre Nora                  
  •  Lois mémorielles : l’indignation sélective de Pierre Nora, Bruno Chaouat                        
  •  Sur le génocide arménien : réponse à une poignée d’historiens, Bernard-Henri Lévy                   
  •  Négationnisme : la loi contre la mauvaise foi, Ara Toranian               
  •  Génocide arménien : le dérapage de Pierre Nora, Séta Papazian
  •  L’autopsie d’un lobbying : l’influence turque en Europe et en France, Jean Dorian
  •  Le Conseil Constitutionnel         
  •  La galaxie des opposants à la loi Boyer                             
  •  Des lobbies américains au service de l’État turc, Varoujan Sirapian                                         
  •  Élus et fonctionnaires américains payés par, et au service de, l’État turc, Varoujan Sirapian                                        
  •  Faut-il abolir la loi Fabius-Gayssot ?, Jean Dorian                           
  •  Le principe de Pareto appliqué au Parlement, Varoujan Sirapian                         
  •  LaChute d’une groupie de la Turquie négationniste, Appo Jabarian                       
  •  Göran Lindblad : Membre d’un lobby financé par l’Azerbaïdjan             
  •  La négation du génocide est une industrie, Taner Akçam                                         
  •  De la cause arménienne au droit français, Nikos Lygeros                                      
  •  Les dangereux fantasmes de la diplomatie turque, İpek Yezdaniipek   
  •  « Liberté de recherche et d’enseignement en Turquie »                    
  •  Turquie : présumés coupables, criminalisation des défenseurs des Droits de l’Homme            
  •  24e commémoration des pogroms de Soumgaït                  
  •  Mensonges, propagande et désinformation de l’Azerbaïdjian, Jean Eckian                         
  •  Le rêve d’un « Grand Azerbaïdjan », Edmond Y. Azadian                                      
  •  Syrie : une guerre par procuration, Bernard Haykel                        
  •  Iran blasts Turkey, Saudi, Qatar over ally Syria                            
  • Religion et Politique, Roger Akl                  

Syrian Blood Etches a New Line in the Sand



 Syrian Blood Etches a New Line in the Sand

 By Pepe Escobar
 July 26, 2012

Once upon a time, early in the previous century, a line in the sand was drawn, from Acre to Kirkuk. Two colonial powers — Britain and France — nonchalantly divided the Middle East between themselves; everything north of the line in the sand was France’s; south, it was Britain’s.

 Many blowbacks — and concentric tragedies — later, a new line in the sand is being drawn by Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Between Syria and Iraq, they want it all. Talk about the return of the repressed; now, as part of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization-Gulf Cooperation Council compound, they’re in bed with their former colonial masters.

 Blow by blow

 No matter what militarized Western corporate media spins, there’s no endgame in Syria — yet. On the contrary; the sectarian game is just beginning.

 It’s 1980s Afghanistan all over again. The over 100 heavily armed gangs engaged in civil war in Syria are overflowing with Gulf Cooperation Council funds financing their Russian RPGs bought on the black market. Salafi-jihadis cross into Syria in droves — not only from Iraq but also Kuwait, Algeria, Tunisia and Pakistan, following enraged calls by their imams. Kidnapping, raping and slaughtering pro-Assad regime civilians is becoming the law of the land.

 They go after Christians with a vengeance. They force Iraqi exiles in Damascus to leave, especially those settled in Sayyida Zainab, the predominantly Shi’ite neighborhood named after Prophet Muhammad’s grand-daughter, buried in the beautiful local mosque. The BBC, to its credit, at least followed the story.

 They perform summary executions; Iraq’s deputy interior minister Adnan al-Assadi told AFP how Iraqi border guards saw the Free Syrian Army (FSA) take control of a border outpost and then “executed 22 Syrian soldiers in front of the eyes of Iraqi soldiers”.

 The Bab al-Hawa crossing between Syria and Turkey was overrun by no less than 150 multinational self-described mujahideen — coming from Algeria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, the United Arab Emirates, Chechnya, and even France, many proclaiming their allegiance to Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).

 They burned a lot of Turkish trucks. They shot their own promo video. They paraded their al-Qaeda flag. And they declared the whole border area an Islamic state.

 Hand over your terrorist ID

 There’s no way to understand the Syrian dynamics without learning that most FSA commanders are not Syrians, but Iraqi Sunnis. The FSA could only capture the Abu Kamal border crossing between Syria and Iraq because the whole area is controlled by Sunni tribes viscerally antagonistic towards the al-Maliki government in Baghdad. The free flow of mujahideen, hardcore jihadis and weapons between Iraq and Syria is now more than established.

 The idea of the Arab League — behaving as NATO-GCC’s fully robed spokesman — offering exile to Bashar al-Assad may be as ridiculous as the notion of the CIA supervising which mujahideen and jihadi outfits may have access to the weapons financed by Qatar and the Saudis.

 At first, it might have been just a bad joke. After all, the exile offer came from those exact same paragons of democracy, the House of Saud and Qatar, who control the Arab League and are financing the mujahideen and the anti-Syria jihad.

 Baghdad, though, publicly condemned the exile offer. And the aftermath — in fact on the same day — was worthy of The Joker (yes, Batman’s foe); a wave of anti-Shi’ite bombings in Iraq, with over 100 people dead, duly claimed by the Islamic State of Iraq, al-Qaeda’s local franchise. Spokesman Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi energetically urged the Sunni tribes in Anbar and Nineveh to join the jihad and topple the “infidel” government in Baghdad.

 The mujahideen/jihadi back and forth between Syria and Iraq has been more than confirmed by Izzat al-Shahbandar, a senior member of Iraq’s Parliament and close aide to Prime Minister al-Maliki. Baghdad even has updated lists. The crossover could only spawn more frenetic Orwellian newspeak, nailed by the website Moon of Alabama.

 Mujahideen and jihadis active in Iraq are now “Iraqi insurgents”. And mujahideen and jihadis active in Syria remain the usual “Syrian rebels”. They have been all decommissioned as “terrorists”. Under this logic, the Colorado Batman shooter may also be described as an “insurgent”.

 Follow the money

 As it stands, the romanticized Syrian “rebels” plus the insurgents formerly known as terrorists cannot win against the Syria military — not even with the Saudis and Qataris showering them with loads of cash and weapons.

 Nor is there any evidence the regime is contemplating a retreat to the Alawite mountains in northern Syria, as evoked by this collective foreign policy blog discussion. After all, the “rebels” do not control any territory.

 What’s certain is who would profit from Syria being progressively balkanized. The House of Saud and Qatar would love nothing better than to have the civil war exported to Iraq and Lebanon; in their very narrow calculations, that would eventually yield fellow Sunni regimes.

 So expect Saudi and Qatari funds buying every well-connected Syrian regime apparatchik in sight — even while the urban Sunni bourgeosie still has not abandoned the ship.

 And as the civil war spreads out, a tsunami of weapons will keep inundating Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq and of course Turkey, boosting assorted guerrilla outfits, Kurdish included — yet one more facet of now ostracized neo-Ottoman Turkey impotently watching nation states carved out of that 1920s colonial line in the sand being smashed.

 Strategically, this will always be a war by proxy; essentially Saudi Arabia vs Iran — with the House of Saud behind hardcore Islamists of all colors compared to Qatar supporting “its” Muslim Brotherhood.

 But most of all this is the US-NATO-GCC vs Iran.

 Israel’s motives go way beyond the Saudi-Qatari sectarian lust. Israel’s Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu has just excavated a Bushism — calling Iran-Syria-Hezbollah an “axis of evil”.

 What Tel Aviv wants in the long run is clear; for Washington, Obama administration or not, to bring down the axis.

 Meanwhile, this long-term goal does not prevent Defense Minister Ehud Barak from getting crazy — speculating on an invasion of Syria based on a hypothetical transfer of Syrian anti-aircraft missiles or even chemical weapons to Hezbollah.

 Washington for its part would love at least a pliable/puppet Sunni regime in Damascus to turbo-charge the encircling of Iran — without increasing Israel’s substantial fears. Meanwhile, what passes for “smart power” is no more than glorified wishful thinking. Here in detail is how pro-Israel functionaries in the US are designing post-Assad Syria.

 Meet the new Bane

 For all its production values, NATO’s jihad — in conjunction with al-Qaeda affiliates and copycats — still has not delivered regime change. UN Security Council sanctions won’t be forthcoming, as Beijing and Moscow have already stressed three times. So Plan Bs keep surfacing all the time. The latest is straight from the Iraq playbook; Damascus will attack civilians with chemical weapons. This lasted only for a few news cycles.

 Russian President Vladimir Putin has already made it clear; regime change is anathema, especially for a reason that eludes most in the West — jihadis at the gates of Damascus means they are a stone’s throw from the Caucasus, the possible new pearl in a lethal collar bound to destabilize Muslim Russia.

 Blowback meanwhile is ready to strike like the Medusa. What is for all practical purposes NATO-GCC mujahideen/jihadi death squads will be more than happy to bleed Syria across sectarian lines — in the sand and especially in urban areas. It’s hunting season now, not only for Alawites but also Christians (10% of the population).

 A foreign policy that privileges Sunni jihadis formerly known as terrorists to create a “democratic” state in the Middle East seems to have been conjured by Bane — the Hannibal Lecter meets Darth Vader bad guy in The Dark Knight Rises, the final chapter of the Batman trilogy. And yes, we are his creators. While the best lack all conviction, and the worst are full of passionate intensity, a masked Sunni jihadi superman is slouching towards Damascus to be born.

 Pepe Escobar is the author of Globalistan: How the Globalized World is Dissolving into Liquid War (Nimble Books, 2007) and Red Zone Blues: a snapshot of Baghdad during the surge. His most recent book is Obama does Globalistan (Nimble Books, 2009). He may be reached at pepeasia@yahoo.com

 Notes:
 1. http://vaticaninsider.lastampa.it/en/homepage
 /world-news/detail/articolo/siria-syria-15868/
 2. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-18930876
 3, http://english.alarabiya.net/articles/2012/07/22/227739.html
 4. http://www.moonofalabama.org/2012/07/nyt-terrorists-are
 -now-insurgents.html#comments
 5. http://thecable.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/07/20/
 inside_the_secret_effort_to_plan_for_a_post_assad_syria

 Copyright 2012 Asia Times Online


Syrian war of lies and hypocrisy

Robert Fisk: Syrian war of lies and hypocrisy

The Independent

The West's real target here is not Assad's brutal regime but his ally, Iran, and its nuclear weapons
Has there ever been a Middle Eastern war of such hypocrisy? A war of such cowardice and such mean morality, of such false rhetoric and such public humiliation? I'm not talking about the physical victims of the Syrian tragedy. I'm referring to the utter lies and mendacity of our masters and our own public opinion – eastern as well as western – in response to the slaughter, a vicious pantomime more worthy of Swiftian satire than Tolstoy or Shakespeare.
While Qatar and Saudi Arabia arm and fund the rebels of Syria to overthrow Bashar al-Assad's Alawite/Shia-Baathist dictatorship, Washington mutters not a word of criticism against them. President Barack Obama and his Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, say they want a democracy in Syria. But Qatar is an autocracy and Saudi Arabia is among the most pernicious of caliphate-kingly-dictatorships in the Arab world. Rulers of both states inherit power from their families – just as Bashar has done – and Saudi Arabia is an ally of the Salafist-Wahabi rebels in Syria, just as it was the most fervent supporter of the medieval Taliban during Afghanistan's dark ages.
Indeed, 15 of the 19 hijacker-mass murderers of 11 September, 2001, came from Saudi Arabia – after which, of course, we bombed Afghanistan. The Saudis are repressing their own Shia minority just as they now wish to destroy the Alawite-Shia minority of Syria. And we believe Saudi Arabia wants to set up a democracy in Syria?
Then we have the Shia Hezbollah party/militia in Lebanon, right hand of Shia Iran and supporter of Bashar al-Assad's regime. For 30 years, Hezbollah has defended the oppressed Shias of southern Lebanon against Israeli aggression. They have presented themselves as the defenders of Palestinian rights in the West Bank and Gaza. But faced with the slow collapse of their ruthless ally in Syria, they have lost their tongue. Not a word have they uttered – nor their princely Sayed Hassan Nasrallah – about the rape and mass murder of Syrian civilians by Bashar's soldiers and "Shabiha" militia.
Then we have the heroes of America – La Clinton, the Defence Secretary Leon Panetta, and Obama himself. Clinton issues a "stern warning" to Assad. Panetta – the same man who repeated to the last US forces in Iraq that old lie about Saddam's connection to 9/11 – announces that things are "spiralling out of control" in Syria. They have been doing that for at least six months. Has he just realised? And then Obama told us last week that "given the regime's stockpile of nuclear weapons, we will continue to make it clear to Assad … that the world is watching". Now, was it not a County Cork newspaper called the Skibbereen Eagle, fearful of Russia's designs on China, which declared that it was "keeping an eye … on the Tsar of Russia"? Now it is Obama's turn to emphasise how little clout he has in the mighty conflicts of the world. How Bashar must be shaking in his boots.
But what US administration would really want to see Bashar's atrocious archives of torture opened to our gaze? Why, only a few years ago, the Bush administration was sending Muslims to Damascus for Bashar's torturers to tear their fingernails out for information, imprisoned at the US government's request in the very hell-hole which Syrian rebels blew to bits last week. Western embassies dutifully supplied the prisoners' tormentors with questions for the victims. Bashar, you see, was our baby.
Then there's that neighbouring country which owes us so much gratitude: Iraq. Last week, it suffered in one day 29 bombing attacks in 19 cities, killing 111 civilian and wounding another 235. The same day, Syria's bloodbath consumed about the same number of innocents. But Iraq was "down the page" from Syria, buried "below the fold", as we journalists say; because, of course, we gave freedom to Iraq, Jeffersonian democracy, etc, etc, didn't we? So this slaughter to the east of Syria didn't have quite the same impact, did it? Nothing we did in 2003 led to Iraq's suffering today. Right?
And talking of journalism, who in BBC World News decided that even the preparations for the Olympics should take precedence all last week over Syrian outrages? British newspapers and the BBC in Britain will naturally lead with the Olympics as a local story. But in a lamentable decision, the BBC – broadcasting "world" news to the world – also decided that the passage of the Olympic flame was more important than dying Syrian children, even when it has its own courageous reporter sending his despatches directly from Aleppo.
Then, of course, there's us, our dear liberal selves who are so quick to fill the streets of London in protest at the Israeli slaughter of Palestinians. Rightly so, of course. When our political leaders are happy to condemn Arabs for their savagery but too timid to utter a word of the mildest criticism when the Israeli army commits crimes against humanity – or watches its allies do it in Lebanon – ordinary people have to remind the world that they are not as timid as the politicians. But when the scorecard of death in Syria reaches 15,000 or 19,000 – perhaps 14 times as many fatalities as in Israel's savage 2008-2009 onslaught on Gaza – scarcely a single protester, save for Syrian expatriates abroad, walks the streets to condemn these crimes against humanity. Israel's crimes have not been on this scale since 1948. Rightly or wrongly, the message that goes out is simple: we demand justice and the right to life for Arabs if they are butchered by the West and its Israeli allies; but not when they are being butchered by their fellow Arabs.
And all the while, we forget the "big" truth. That this is an attempt to crush the Syrian dictatorship not because of our love for Syrians or our hatred of our former friend Bashar al-Assad, or because of our outrage at Russia, whose place in the pantheon of hypocrites is clear when we watch its reaction to all the little Stalingrads across Syria. No, this is all about Iran and our desire to crush the Islamic Republic and its infernal nuclear plans – if they exist – and has nothing to do with human rights or the right to life or the death of Syrian babies. Quelle horreur!

mardi 24 juillet 2012

Turkey’s Human Rights Hypocrisy

Turkey’s Human Rights Hypocrisy


By Taner Akçam, The New York Times, 19 July 2012

A new political order is emerging in the Middle East, and Turkey aspires to be its leader by taking a stand against authoritarian regimes. Earlier this week, Turkey’s prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, went so far as to denounce the Syrian government’s continuing massacres of civilians as “attempted genocide.”

Turkey’s desire to champion human rights in the region is a welcome development, but Mr. Erdogan’s condemnation of Syria is remarkably hypocritical. As long as Turkey continues to deny crimes committed against non-Turks in the early 1900s, during the final years of the Ottoman Empire, its calls for freedom, justice and humanitarian values will ring false.
Turkey’s attempt to cultivate an image as the global protector of Muslim rights is compromised by a legacy of ethnic cleansing and genocide against Christians and terror against Arabs and Kurds. Memories of these crimes are very much alive throughout former Ottoman territories. And Turkey cannot serve as a democratic model until it acknowledges that brutal violence, population transfers and genocide underlie the modern Turkish state.

Using documents from the Ottoman government archives in Istanbul, which were once classified as top secret, I have sought to pull back the veil on Turkey’s century of denial. These documents clearly demonstrate that Ottoman demographic policy from 1913 to 1918 was genocidal. Indeed, the phrase “crimes against humanity” was coined as a legal term and first used on May 24, 1915, in response to the genocide against Armenians and other Christian civilians.

Britain, France and Russia initially defined Ottoman atrocities as “crimes against Christianity” but later substituted “humanity” after considering the negative reaction that such a specific term could elicit from Muslims in their colonies.

Today, Mr. Erdogan is seeking to be a global spokesman for Muslim values. In June 2011, he told thousands gathered to celebrate the landslide victory of his Justice and Development Party, known as the A.K.P.: “Sarajevo won today as much as Istanbul; Beirut won as much as Izmir; Damascus won as much as Ankara. Ramallah, Nablus, Jenin, the West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza won as much as Diyarbakir.”

Speaking in support of oppressed Muslims has earned him popularity. But if Mr. Erdogan aspires to defend freedom and democracy in the region, he must also address the legitimate fears of Christians in the Middle East. Just as the European powers opted for universalism in 1915 by denouncing “crimes against humanity,” Mr. Erdogan must move beyond his narrow focus on “crimes against Muslims.” All oppressed peoples deserve protection.

It isn’t a coincidence that many Christians and other minorities in Syria support Bashar al-Assad’s Baath Party; they are willing to sacrifice freedom for security. While Turkish rhetoric appeals to the Sunni Muslim majority’s demand for freedom in Syria, it does not relieve Syrian Christians’ anxiety about their future. On the contrary, Syrian Christians listening to Mr. Erdogan and his denialist rhetoric are reminded of 1915, and that makes Turkey look very much like a security threat to them.

Confronting the past is closely linked to security, stability and democracy in the Middle East. Persistent denial of historical injustices not only impedes democratization but also hampers stable relations between different ethnic and religious groups.

This is particularly true in former Ottoman lands, where people view one another in the cloaks of their ancestors. In addition to the reverberations of the Armenian genocide, mass crimes against Kurds and Alevis in Turkey, violence against Kurds and Arabs in Iraq, and Christian-Muslim tensions in Syria and Lebanon continue to poison contemporary politics.

The popularity of the A.K.P. in Turkey and the Muslim world affords Mr. Erdogan an opportunity to usher in an era of tolerance. By acknowledging the genocide against Christians and crimes against other groups, the Turks can become leaders in the realm of human rights. But Turkey’s efforts to paint itself as a beacon of freedom and democracy will fail so long as Turkey refuses to atone for Ottoman sins.

Moral purists and hard-nosed realists mistakenly believe that pursuing justice and national interests are mutually exclusive. But acknowledging historical wrongs is not a zero-sum game.

In the Middle East, the past is the present. And truth and reconciliation are integral to establishing a new, stable regional order founded on respect for human rights and dignity. Turkey should lead by example.

Taner Akcam, a professor of history at Clark University, is the author of “The Young Turks’ Crime Against Humanity: The Armenian Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire.”

samedi 21 juillet 2012

Syrie : La guérilla médiatique s’intensifie

Syrie : La guérilla médiatique s’intensifie
La franco syrienne qui s’exprime ici affirme qu’il y a une grande offensive médiatique qui frappe la Syrie. Il n’y aurait pas à Damas ce vent de panique décrit à l’extérieur. Les informations diffusées par la presse internationale seraient abondamment falsifiées, ne reflétant pas la réalité telle que perçue par les Syriens qui en leur majorité s’opposent à un changement de gouvernement par la violence.
20 juillet 2012 
S.C. : Depuis mercredi les experts et des opposants syriens se succèdent sur les plateaux télévisés. Ils laissent entendre que le pouvoir vacille, que le rapport de force a basculé en faveur de la rébellion armée. Quelle est votre perception ?
Ces jours-ci il y a eu, il est vrai, énormément d’affrontements entre les forces armées et les rebelles autour de Damas mais pas dans mon quartier. Hier quand je suis sortie je n’ai rien vu de spécial. Sauf qu’il y avait moins de gens dans les rues et moins de voitures que d’habitude. Cette nuit j’ai entendu des explosions. Je viens d’entendre trois fortes explosions. Je vois de la fumée dans le sud de Damas. C’est à Midane, au sud de la ville, que l’armée régulière affronte les rebelles depuis deux jours. Elle a été appelée par les habitants qui disaient avoir été infiltrés par des hommes en possession d’énormes quantités d’armes, étrangers à leur quartier. Je viens d’apprendre que l’armée a repris le contrôle de Midane.
Il y a également eu des affrontements du côté de Yarmouk. Les gens ont découvert qu’il y avait dans leur quartier des rebelles qui portaient l’uniforme de l’armée régulière. L’armée est tout de suite arrivée sur place et a vite maitrisé la situation. Elle a trouvé des grandes quantités d’armes et d’explosifs. Des rebelles ont été arrêtés. Parmi eux il y avait de nombreux étrangers ; des Tchétchènes, des Afghans, des Libyens…

S.C. : S’agit-il pour vous d’un mauvais moment à passer et non pas d’un tournant  ?
Je crois qu’une grande partie de la population de Damas considère en effet que c’est un moment difficile à traverser avant de retrouver la paix.

S.C. : On vient d’apprendre ici que les rebelles viennent de s’emparer de plusieurs postes de frontière, prenant ainsi le contrôle des frontières avec l’Irak et la Syrie. Cela ne vous inquiète pas ?
Je crois qu’il y a une véritable offensive médiatique, une vaste manipulation pour faire croire que la Syrie est en train de perdre pied, et que les rebelles sont aux portes du pouvoir. Cela s’inscrit dans une campagne de mensonges planifiée. Ce que notre gouvernement avait annoncé au sujet de cette offensive de désinformation médiatique s’est produit. Hier la télévision Al Dounia a disparu de nos écrans. Nous avons tout de suite compris que les satellites avaient déconnecté nos chaines syriennes. Les responsables de l’information nous ont donné les nouvelles fréquences de trois télévisions syriennes qui sont également menacées de disparaitre et sur lesquelles elles vont émettre. L’objectif de cette offensive médiatique est de diffuser des fausses informations, de désorienter les gens en présentant une réalité manipulée, et leur faire croire que le pouvoir est affaibli, en train de s’écrouler.

S.C. : Il n’y a donc pas une ambiance de fin de règne à Damas ?
Cette atmosphère de fin de règne présentée par la presse internationale est totalement fausse. J’ai le sentiment que notre gouvernement est très solide. Il n’y pas du tout ce vent de panique qui est décrit à l’extérieur. Tout fonctionne bien ici. On entend des explosions et des accrochages mais cela ne nous inquiète pas outre mesure. Nous sommes confiants. Nous savons que l’armée a les moyens de garder la situation sous contrôle. Nous savons que jusqu’ici seule une petite partie de l’armée est intervenue ; qu’elle est prête à repousser les agressions. On le perçoit nettement. Les gens sont très choqués et attristés par l’attentat qui a tué trois dirigeants de l’armée. Ils sont de plus en plus nombreux à soutenir le gouvernement et l’armée. Je ne dis pas que cette guérilla urbaine pratiquée par des rebelles, lourdement armés et encadrés par des forces étrangères, n’est pas inquiétante. Mais je pense que l’armée syrienne a la capacité de la contenir.

S.C. : Les télévisions montrent depuis mercredi des hommes en liesse. Nous venons d’entendre sur radio France culture un Syrien vivant à Paris dire que dans toutes les villes l’arrivée de l’ASL est accueillie chaleureusement par la population. N’êtes-vous pas dans une sorte de déni de la réalité ?
Ce sont des images diffusées par l’opposition, des mises en scène. Personne ne leur fait la fête. Je crois que la majorité des Syriens sont horrifiés par leurs actions violentes et qu’ils les haïssent de plus en plus.

S.C. : Un homme, quittant le quartier de Midane et à qui la journaliste Valérie Crova a demandé « Damas va tomber ? » a répondu « Damas est déjà tombée ». C’est une autre vision !
ll y a des gens en Syrie qui suivent les informations uniquement sur Aljazeera ; ils croient tout ce que cette chaine qui soutien la rébellion dit : donc ils croient que Damas est déjà tombée. De mon point de vue, ce n’est pas du tout le cas. Je vous parle de ce que je perçois depuis le quartier de Mezze où j’habite. Il n’y a rien qui ressemble à ce qui est décrit à l’extérieur ; tout est très calme.


Propos recueillis le 20 juillet 2012 à 9h00
Silvia Cattori

publié sur  http://www.silviacattori.net/article3462.html